But I would argue that flies do more.

I would say that this is worse than a crime. It s a mistake.

It s not that I am a genius.

So I'm not saying that we all need to live in 420 sq. ft.

Moreover, I would argue that sport has no single spirit.

I am not arguing that every luxury is wrong.

And I said, I have no training as a doctor. I never claimed that.

This is the most difficult of the three problem areas, and I do not claim to have a ready solution.

I have no first hand knowledge of the legislative process in the United States.

Diane, look, I don't pretend to know what goes on behind that pretty little face of yours,

But now I'm a free man, standing on God's free soil and my wife and my child I claim as mine.

White female volunteers certainly receive harassment, but with my limited experience I would argue that it is of a different sort.

As I argue in my book The Future of Power, global interdependence involves both sensitivity and vulnerability.

I will not say that this is the pattern of all recessions it isn t.

Chinese restaurants have done largely the same thing, I would argue, with the menu and the decor, even the restaurant name, but without a centralized headquarters.

Compared to the politics of this region, a rollercoaster ride is downright calming.

I would argue, again, open source security is about connecting the international, the interagency, the private public, and lashing it together with strategic communication,

I'm claiming that the coordinate system, with respect to this, is good. But what does it mean to be good?

Not created by the printing press, but enabled by the collective action that emerges from literacy.

Well, I would argue that human technologies are really different from natural technologies, at least they have been so far.

Markets might once have been fairly efficient, before we had the theory of efficient markets.

I am not suggesting that sexually degrading practices are a conscious part of the TSA s new policy.

In a recent article, however, Robert Jackson and I argue that political speech decisions are fundamentally different from ordinary business decisions.

As I argue in my new book The Future of Power, one of the major power shifts of the twenty first century is Asia revival.

I am not claiming that investors are hysterical, just that they may have become a bit more concerned about the long term outlook.

Indeed, one can argue that if the models constantly get something wrong, it is probably because the models are wrong.

I claim neither the legitimacy nor the moral authority to impose my wishes on the international community as regards what to do or how to approach the Somali question.

And I am not saying that understanding cooperation is going to cause us to be better people and sometimes people cooperate to do bad things but I will remind you that a few hundred years ago, people saw their loved ones die from diseases they thought were caused by sin or foreigners or evil spirits.

Chinese restaurants have done largely the same thing, I would argue, with the menu and the décor even the restaurant name but without a centralized headquarters.

But I would argue that his speech actually encourages the kind of sexual aggression that can result in the savagery that took place in Delhi.

I would argue that three factors largely explain our collective failure specialization, the difficulty of forecasting, and the disengagement of much of the profession from the real world.

But in fact, I would argue that we've just done an experiment here and now, which shows us that the global need for corrective eyewear is around half of any population.

In my book The Future of Power, I argue that the diffusion of power away from governments is one of this century s great political shifts. Cyberspace is a perfect example.

The point is not to suggest that there is one right answer, but rather that investment strategy and payout decisions should take into account the longer term dimensions of risk.

You know that a doctrine is in trouble when not even those claiming to defend it understand what it means.

As I argue in my recent book Mind, Modernity, Madness, the reason for high concentrations of severe mental illness in the developed West lies in the very nature of Western societies.

As I argue in my book The Globalization Paradox, expanding the scope for national governments to maintain regulatory diversity and rebuild frayed social bargains would enhance the functioning of the global economy.

I will not say that this is the pattern of all recessions it isn t. But I will say that this is the pattern of this recession, and that we have been here before.

Of course, not everyone beyond the College of Europe s campus shared this enthusiasm, especially not everyone in Old Europe, which often seemed to be accomplishing its historical duty with considerable reluctance.

Indeed, I (and others) have argued that growing inequality is one of the reasons for the economic slowdown, and is partly a consequence of the global economy s deep, ongoing structural changes.

I have been arguing for four years that our business cycle problems call for more aggressively expansionary monetary and fiscal policies, and that our biggest problems would quickly melt away were such policies to be adopted.

Three months ago, I argued that all but a tiny and unbalanced fringe of economists approve of expansionary open market operations to keep total nominal spending constant in a downturn, and I was right.

(Indeed, the abortion problem in India lies at the other end of the spectrum pervasive termination of female fetuses, owing to a cultural preference for sons, a situation that I would argue inflicts violence against mothers as well.)

Voltaire demonstrates a variety of irredeemable evils in the world, leading many critics to contend that Voltaire's treatment of evil specifically the theological problem ofits existence is the focus of the work.

I do not claim that the Orange Revolution s protagonists are paragons, and that the split between Yushchenko and me has not disheartened many of those who stood with us in the streets of Kyiv in the winter of 2004 2005.