There he died, then Deng Xiaoping brings money.

Of course, Deng s policy can work only if Beijing wants it to work.

Mao s death allowed for Deng Xiaoping s return from disgrace and internal exile.

Deng, in effect, personally designated Hu as successor to President Jiang Zemin.

And then Deng Xiaoping came and brought money to China, and brought them into the mainstream again.

China s rise thus is as much Mao s handiwork as it is Deng s.

And then he died. And then Deng Xiaoping came and brought money to China, and brought them into the mainstream again.

It was after visiting Singapore that Deng introduced special economic zones in southern China.

Deng Xiaoping warned his compatriots to eschew external adventures that might jeopardize internal development.

Finally, China has miscalculated by violating the wisdom of Deng Xiaoping, who advised that China should proceed cautiously and keep its light under a basket.

They worry that the reforms and opening up of Deng Xiaoping are in danger of losing momentum.

Mao and Deng could do this because both provided China with strong leadership.

Opponents of Deng Xiaoping s reforms were ideologically driven they had no personal stake in the Maoist political economy.

Deng Xiaoping s advice Hide your capabilities and bide your time no longer seems relevant.

Former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping was quoted in 1987 as saying that there would be national elections in 50 years.

In 1978, China s newly installed leader, Deng Xiaoping, viewed Singapore as living proof of the superiority of capitalism over communism.

China s unique aid model is one of the main pillars of what the Chinese scholar Sheng Ding calls the country s soft power strategy.

Indeed, the China that Deng began to build in 1978 is now communist politically and capitalist economically.

Ever since Deng Xiaoping ushered in the reform and opening era in 1978, the Chinese leadership has seen the legal system as an instrument to carry out state policies.

In a landmark speech on administrative restructuring in 1980, Deng underscored the urgency of bringing about a separation of party and government.

While Deng had castigated Mao s leftist errors, Hu s hagiographic address made no mention of his manifold blunders.

Former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping was quoted in 1987 as saying that there would be national elections in 50 years. China s democratic trajectory generates little fanfare, but it may actually deliver on Deng s promise ahead of schedule.

Defeating them required building a winning coalition within the party, discrediting the communist ideology, and rallying public support, all of which Deng did.

His cohort s ascent to the summit of power marks the retirement of the last generation of leaders designated by Deng Xiaoping (though they retain influence).

China s military power was built by Mao Zedong, enabling Deng to focus single mindedly on rapidly building the country s economic power.

After Chinese leaders faced international criticism and deteriorating relations with the US, Japan, India, and other countries, they decided to return to Deng s smart power strategy.

China s democratic trajectory generates little fanfare, but it may actually deliver on Deng s promise ahead of schedule.

But Raúl Castro is an old man himself, so we can hope for the prospect that some Deng or, better yet, a Suarez will ultimately emerge from the wreckage of Fidelism.

Chai Ling said she had forgiven Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng who had ordered the people's army to wipe out the students and Beijing residents at Tiananmen Square in 1989, as well as the current leadership of China who continue to suppress people.

As someone who believes that China s rise should be good for the world, I hope that Deng s wise advice will be heeded by those Chinese officials who seem to think that this is a good moment to start stamping their feet.

China miscalculated by deviating from the smart strategy of a rising power and violating Deng s dictum that China should proceed cautiously and skillfully keep a low profile.

There are exceptions to this rule, of course Churchill, Adenauer, Deng, Reagan but states cannot count on fortune bringing an exceptional ruler their way.

China s rise thus is as much Mao s handiwork as it is Deng s. But for Chinese military power, the US would treat China like another Japan.

The latter leads to the full implementation of Deng s policy, enshrined in the Basic Law, of one country, two systems, while the former turns the Basic Law into a worthless piece of paper.

Consider Deng Xiaoping, China s most successful reformer (the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989 notwithstanding). The grand coalition that he forged, against all odds, upon his return to power in 1979 was essential to bringing about the economic transformation that followed.

The Basic Law supposedly established a political framework to accord with the late Deng Xiaoping s policy of one country, two systems, with Hong Kong s people ruling Hong Kong with a high degree of autonomy.

As Deng had crushed the protestors in Tiananmen Square in June of 1989, Hu had proven himself to be firm and resolute in quelling anti Beijing riots in Lhasa, Tibet, two months earlier.

As Deng once said of China With a good system, even evil men cannot do evil. But without a good system, even good men cannot do good, but may be forced to do evil.

Before Deng launched his four modernizations, China had acquired global military reach by testing its first intercontinental ballistic missile, the DF 5, with a range of 12,000 kilometers (7,500 miles), and developing a thermonuclear warhead.

As Ezra Vogel notes in Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Deng s first public statement after his political rehabilitation in 1976 was, Marxism Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought constitute the guiding ideology of the party.

It was the late patriarch Deng Xiaoping who in 1992 made the surprising demand that Hu, former Secretary of the Communist Youth League and protégé of ousted party chief Hu Yaobang, be inducted into the Chinese Communist Party s (CCP) Politburo Standing Committee.

The legacies of Deng and his predecessor, Mao Zedong, are very different. But the People s Republic s two most important leaders did agree in one area both bent over backwards to make territorial concessions to resolve border disputes.

It is this grim history that makes China s current disregard for Deng Xiaoping s maxim that China disguise its ambition and hide its claws so worrying for Asian leaders from New Delhi to Seoul and from Tokyo to Jakarta.

Hu pledged to replace Deng s elitist ethos of letting one part of the population get rich first a policy that has produced a staggering wealth gap with a more egalitarian approach.

According to the World Bank, in the 30 years after Deng Xiaoping initiated economic reform, investment accounted for 6 8 percentage points of the country s 9.8 average annual economic growth rate, while improved productivity contributed only 2 4 percentage points.